Verbal classes in Somali: Allomorphy has no classificatory function
Xavier Barillot
- Fonction : Auteur
- PersonId : 8016
- IdHAL : xavier-barillot
- IdRef : 071552421
Sabrina Bendjaballah
- Fonction : Auteur
- PersonId : 15419
- IdHAL : sabrina-bendjaballah
- ORCID : 0000-0002-3125-8325
- IdRef : 067825184
Nicola Lampitelli
- Fonction : Auteur
- PersonId : 752994
- IdHAL : nicola-lampitelli
- ORCID : 0000-0002-7486-9206
Résumé
This paper focuses on the complex derivational and inflectional morphology of Somali (East Cushitic) verbs. Somali verbs are traditionally cast in three major classes, depending on specific lexical suffixes (Saeed 1993). It is assumed that these classes must be distinguished because the relevant suffixes trigger a morphologically conditioned allomorphy. We argue against this view and claim that the allomorphic patterns targeting each class are epiphenomenal. Our analysis, couched within the theoretical framework of Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud 1985, 1990) and the CV-model (Lowenstamm 1996), shows that the allomorphy in question is in fact phonologically conditioned. In particular, we establish unified representations of the two major lexical suffixes – the causative and the autobenefactive – and claim that all surface realizations of these markers result from the application of regular phonological rules. Thus, contrary to what appears at first sight, Somali displays a single verbal class whose three subclasses are phonologically (not morphologically) defined.
Domaines
LinguistiqueFormat du dépôt | Notice |
---|---|
Type de dépôt | Article dans une revue |
Résumé |
en
This paper focuses on the complex derivational and inflectional morphology of Somali (East Cushitic) verbs. Somali verbs are traditionally cast in three major classes, depending on specific lexical suffixes (Saeed 1993). It is assumed that these classes must be distinguished because the relevant suffixes trigger a morphologically conditioned allomorphy. We argue against this view and claim that the allomorphic patterns targeting each class are epiphenomenal. Our analysis, couched within the theoretical framework of Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud 1985, 1990) and the CV-model (Lowenstamm 1996), shows that the allomorphy in question is in fact phonologically conditioned. In particular, we establish unified representations of the two major lexical suffixes – the causative and the autobenefactive – and claim that all surface realizations of these markers result from the application of regular phonological rules. Thus, contrary to what appears at first sight, Somali displays a single verbal class whose three subclasses are phonologically (not morphologically) defined.
|
Titre |
en
Verbal classes in Somali: Allomorphy has no classificatory function
|
Auteur(s) |
Xavier Barillot
1
, Sabrina Bendjaballah
2
, Nicola Lampitelli
3
1
BCL, équipe Dialectologie et Linguistique formelle
( 453016 )
- Laboratoire BCL - UMR 7320 - CNRS - Université de Nice,
Campus Saint-Jean d'Angély 3 / MSHS-SE,
24 avenue des Diables bleus, 06357 Nice Cedex 4
- France
2
LLING -
Laboratoire de Linguistique de Nantes
( 468428 )
- 7 Chemin de la Censive du Tertre, 44300 Nantes
- France
3
LLL -
Laboratoire Ligérien de Linguistique
( 243264 )
- UFR LLSH-Université d'Orléans BP 46527 45065 Orléans cedex 2
- France
|
Date de publication |
2018-02-01
|
Page/Identifiant |
3-43
|
Langue du document |
Anglais
|
Nom de la revue |
|
Vulgarisation |
Non
|
Comité de lecture |
Oui
|
Audience |
Internationale
|
Volume |
54
|
Numéro |
1
|
Domaine(s) |
|
DOI | 10.1017/s002222671700024x |
Loading...