To be an publisher means to enable the transformation of a work in view of its release to the public. Does this definition correspond to the reality about the publishing houses of the French Communist Party (FCP) ?
At the end of the Second World War, The FCP created three publishing houses : the “Editions sociales”, concerned with books for political education, the “Bibliotheque francaise” and “Hier et Aujourd'hui”, both publishing novels. The “Editions sociales" were managed by Joseph Ducroux, a self-taught militant, who had worked for the Komintern. “Hier et Aujourd'hui” was run by Marcelle Hilsum, a militant who had worked in publishing before the war. Lastly, the “Bibliotheque francaise” was managed par Louis Aragon, the famous writer and an important militant inside the Party and outside .
The political control of theses institutions was complex. At first, this control depended on the “Bureau politique” and the Secretary of the FCP, who nominated a political supervisor for book publishing activities : first Andre Marty, then Etienne Fajon. A specific commission had been in existence since 1920, the “publishing commission”, but its activity was irregular. Yet the real new element of this control, compared to the pre-war years, is the appearance of a new and debated personality, Jean Jerome, the hidden and unofficial power in financial matters.
Neverless, this control was not permanent. So the managers of these publishing houses – such as Louis Aragon for the “Bibliotheque française” – could have room to manoeuvre.
The job of publisher was not recognized by political leaders, but this is in contradiction with two realities. In the public scene, these women and men were referred to as publisher. And, for the political leaders, they are considered as responsible of the results of these organisations, even though they did not have decision-making powers about financial means.
The strong and large political mobilization for the propaganda had used all types of publication and so all publishing houses. But, in these years, the publishing business in France underwent an economic crisis. So the first consequence of the cold war was an organizational question.
The publishing houses specialized in novels – Bibliotheque francaise and Hier et Aujourd'hui – merged into a new firm in 1949 : the “Editeurs francais reunis”. Aragon was designated as manager. For the Editions sociales, there was no change. But, in both cases, FCP decided to decrease the runs and numbers of titles.
The political control was still unchanged. The publishing commission disappeared but the person designated by the Board of the Party to be responsible of publishing activities became more and more important : his name was Francois Billoux.
If Aragon was still the manager of the EFR, his position was balanced by the nomination of an administrative manager, Raymond Hallery, whose job was controlled by J. Jerome.
For the “Editions sociales”, it's different. The power of party leaders was balanced by the group of authors. In fact, these french authors had university degrees. Now Communist leaders were impressed by diplomas, despite their distrust of intellectuals. Moreover, these authors had political responsibilities in the Party.
The end of the strongest mobilization for soviet strategy meant a radical change for the propaganda of the French Communist Party. The first victim of this change was the EFR.
The EFR was first a victim of the disinterest of the political power about novels, then of the renunciation to the aesthetic of socialist realism and finally of discredit in the public. Aragon fought against this indifference and especially against J. Jerome who didn't consider the existence of EFR as useful. At 1954, Aragon let his place to a young militant who knew the job of publishor, Francois Monod. But nothing changed.
At the opposite, the authors of the Editions sociales, through a “commission” constituted in 1953, got mobilized to gain more independence. Even if the leadership of FCP was reticent, they managed it, as experts. J. Ducroux was bluntly dismissed in 1955, and replaced by a philosophy graduate, Guy Besse. But these men were not free : by the side of G. Besse, was another militant, Robert Brecy. Politics was always present.
The principle of joint leadership by two or three persons, representing editorial competence or politics, explains that the publisher was not recognized in this case.
This organisation aimed at political control, but didn't let these firms be recognized as real publishing houses in the editorial world and by the public.
The only ones able to get recognition as publisher were the authors of the Editions sociales, by their diplomas and by the symbolic and political superiority of essays on novels for political leaders.