Priming in French anaphora resolution
Saveria Colonna
- Fonction : Auteur
- PersonId : 3604
- IdHAL : saveria-colonna
- ORCID : 0000-0003-2050-6503
- IdRef : 059345497
Barbara Hemforth
- Fonction : Auteur
- PersonId : 3373
- IdHAL : barbara-hemforth
- ORCID : 0000-0001-8371-1323
- IdRef : 180556703
Suat Istanbullu
- Fonction : Auteur
- PersonId : 974727
- IdHAL : suat-istanbullu
- ORCID : 0000-0001-8601-0514
Résumé
Preferences in the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns have been shown to be influenced by properties of the potential antecedents, such as grammatical role (e.g., Kaiser & Trueswell, 2008) and topicality (e.g., Colonna, Schimke & Hemforth, in press). Approaches based on linguistic experience moreover predict that interpretational preferences for a given pronoun may also be influenced by extensive exposure to one of the possible interpretations. A direct way to test this hypothesis is to see whether such a priming effect exists for pronoun resolution. In a series of questionnaires, we tested two types of structures. The first type contained ambiguous overt pronouns in subordinate clauses introduced by quand (when). The second type contained a zero anaphor in a present participle construction.
Format du dépôt | Notice |
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Type de dépôt | Communication dans un congrès |
Titre |
en
Priming in French anaphora resolution
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Résumé |
en
Preferences in the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns have been shown to be influenced by properties of the potential antecedents, such as grammatical role (e.g., Kaiser & Trueswell, 2008) and topicality (e.g., Colonna, Schimke & Hemforth, in press). Approaches based on linguistic experience moreover predict that interpretational preferences for a given pronoun may also be influenced by extensive exposure to one of the possible interpretations. A direct way to test this hypothesis is to see whether such a priming effect exists for pronoun resolution. In a series of questionnaires, we tested two types of structures. The first type contained ambiguous overt pronouns in subordinate clauses introduced by quand (when). The second type contained a zero anaphor in a present participle construction.
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Auteur(s) |
Saveria Colonna
1
, Barbara Hemforth
2
, Sarah Schimke
3
, Suat Istanbullu
1
1
SFL -
Structures Formelles du Langage
( 204862 )
- Université Paris 8 Vincennes-Saint-Denis - 2 rue de la Liberté - 93526 Saint-Denis cedex
- France
2
LLF UMR7110 -
Laboratoire de Linguistique Formelle
( 1053 )
- Case Postale 7031 5, rue Thomas Mann 75205 Paris cedex 13
- France
3
Institut für Germanistik
( 193231 )
- Allemagne
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Vulgarisation |
Non
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Comité de lecture |
Oui
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Actes |
Non
|
Invité |
Non
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Langue du document |
Français
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Date de production/écriture |
2011
|
Audience |
Non spécifiée
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Titre du congrès |
CUNY conference on human sentence processing
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Date début congrès |
2011-03-24
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Date fin congrès |
2011-03-26
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Ville |
Stanford
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Pays |
États-Unis
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Domaine(s) |
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Mots-clés |
en
anaphora resolution
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