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Communication dans un congrès Année : 2023

Person and Licensing in Georgian: Puzzles for Cyclic Agree

Résumé

Cyclic Agree and the Person Licensing Condition predict ungrammaticality for a wide range of argument combinations in Georgian, incorrectly, though both have been used to explain core argument agreement in the language. This problem is defused by positing a high π-probe on T, in addition to a previously proposed low articulated probe on v. The higher π-probe is independently observable as added verbal morphology: a suffix-ablaut system. The high π-probe is obligatory and this creates interactions between agreement loci as a result of general mechanisms (probe unification). A comparison between Georgian and Basque reveals systematic differences attributable to a contrast in the distribution of obligatory probes: the Georgian π-probe on T is obligatory, while in Basque it is added to satisfy the PLC. This explains a difference between the languages with respect to alignment: intransitive S in Basque is consistently tracked by inflection characteristic of the v probe, while intransitive S in Georgian is consistently tracked by inflection characteristic of the T probe. Details of the interactions between agreement loci support a view of cyclicity where syntactic operations apply freely up to convergence, suggesting that cyclicity follows from Minimal Search or No-Tampering rather than Earliness.
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Dates et versions

halshs-04348211, version 1 (21-12-2023)
halshs-04348211, version 2 (26-01-2024)

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  • HAL Id : halshs-04348211 , version 2

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Susana Béjar, Milan Rezac. Person and Licensing in Georgian: Puzzles for Cyclic Agree. WCCFL 41, May 2023, Santa Cruz, United States. ⟨halshs-04348211v2⟩
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Dernière date de mise à jour le 28/04/2024
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