for the application of a social movements framework to this sphere of gentrification studies " (2016: 223).This chapter answers this call. It will first draw a general picture of evictions as a social problem and outline the main characteristics of anti-eviction mobilizations. It will then present the repertoire of action of anti-eviction mobilizations with examples from recent campaigns and struggles in Montreal, New York City, and Barcelona. EVICTIONS, OPPORTUNITIES, AND REPERTOIRESIn its most basic understanding, an eviction refers to "the act of expelling tenants from rental property" (Soederberg 2018: 286). This act is the outcome of a very codified legal process that begins with the landlord terminating the tenancy of the property and then filing a lawsuit to have the tenant evicted. It requires a judge to make an order and a person empowered by the court, sometimes with the help of the police, to enforce said order. Although the reality and experience of this process vary across institutional contexts (even within a single country like the United States 2 ), without these steps, there is no eviction in the strict sense.However, some scholars challenge such restrictive use of the category 'eviction' and point out that tenants can be expelled from their home without going through the entire legal process of eviction (Hartman and Robinson 2003: 463). Others stress that the threat of eviction is actually way more prevalent than evictions as such 3 and that, although it does not necessarily lead to displacement, it constitutes a critical factor exacerbating financial and housing precarity and can even become an ordinary instrument of property management (Leung et al. 2021: 317; see also Garboden and Rosen 2019). Brickell et al. (2017: 1) go even further and use the definition proposed by Amnesty International, namely, "when people are forced out of their homes and off their land against their will, with little notice or none at all, often with the threat or use of violence". Here, tenants are no longer the only category considered and evictions can affect small landowners or homeowners as well, as has happened in Spain and the United States since the 2008 financial crisis for example (foreclosures should thus be included in the study of evictions; see Martin and Niedt 2015). Such perspectives entail looking beyond the formal, terminal step of the eviction process and taking into account a broader range of events and phenomena. Although they face many problems in terms of data gathering because of the informality they attempt to grasp (Hartman and Robinson 2003: 466), they have the merit of emphasizing the fact that evictions are not static or even discrete events but processes. Some prefer thus to talk of evicting rather than eviction (Baker 2021; Garboden and Rosen 2019).Once we think of evictions in terms of legal and extra-legal processes, it becomes obvious that they involve a chain of decisions and events unfolding over time and that, therefore, tenants and activists can intervene at different moments and in different ways to try to stop the eviction process. They can intervene upstream, by providing information and accompanying people facing an eviction. This stage can involve providing legal assistance in housing court. They can also use disruptive